As elections draw nearer in Armenia, the country’s political decay has fully come to the surface. Candidates are desperately trying to portray themselves as “independent” figures and a “new face” in politics, yet almost in unison they continue to spew anti-Azerbaijani rhetoric, turning hostility toward Azerbaijan into the centerpiece of their election campaigns.While Robert Kocharyan has long been openly labeled a revanchist and the leader of the so-called “Karabakh clan,” Samvel Karapetyan is doing his utmost to play the role of an “independent politician,” allegedly having nothing to do with the former president or his controversial political circle.

Axar.az reports that Minval Politika has obtained exclusive footage that completely exposes this cheap theatrical performance. Karapetyan is not an independent player. He is part of the same rotten system that has held Armenia hostage to revanchist ambitions and old criminal ties for many years.

In the footage, Armen Arshakyan, Director for Economics and Finance of Electric Networks of Armenia, effectively lays bare Samvel Karapetyan’s connection to Robert Kocharyan and the Karabakh clan.

In the conversation, an unidentified interlocutor asks whether Karapetyan has agreements with other political forces if he is counting on a high result in the elections.

“Generally, I understand that Karapetyan is aiming very high. Thirty percent — with that he cannot become prime minister. The question is: if he already has some agreements with other parties to support him?” the interlocutor asks.

Arshakyan replies directly:

“There are agreements with other parties, but they are not formalized. Well, look, the next force after Karapetyan is Armenia’s second president, Robert Kocharyan. Also a unique person, the only person in the world who was president of two countries and both president and prime minister of two countries.”

When the interlocutor asks whom he is referring to, Arshakyan explains:

“Well, he was the ‘prime minister’ of the ‘Nagorno-Karabakh Republic’ (quotation marks – Minval Politika), then its ‘president,’ then he came to Armenia, served as Armenia’s prime minister, and was a ‘hero’ of the First Karabakh War.”

Asked whether there are “any understandings” between Karapetyan and Kocharyan, Arshakyan answers without hesitation:

“There are, of course.”

He then adds an important detail:

“First of all, they are friends. And when people say ‘friends,’ you understand that in Armenia it is impossible to be in business and not be friends with those in power.”

Particularly revealing is the segment in which the interlocutor asks why Karapetyan and Kocharyan have not officially joined forces. Arshakyan’s response sounds like an admission of an informal alliance.

“Because the Karabakh clan is considered unpopular, and we are not going to take each other’s electorate,” he says.

When the interlocutor clarifies, “So, there is no need to do it officially. But unofficially?”, Arshakyan replies:

“Unofficially, that is exactly how it is.”

Thus, the conversation suggests that Karapetyan’s public distancing from Kocharyan may be merely part of a political strategy. There is no official alliance, but according to Arshakyan, unofficial agreements do exist.

Arshakyan also speaks separately about the personal and financial ties between Karapetyan and Kocharyan. According to him, Samvel Karapetyan provided significant support to the puppet regime in Karabakh and to Armenia over many years.

“As far as I remember, Samvel Sarkisovich probably provided around $300 million in sponsorship and charitable assistance to Karabakh and Armenia. In ‘Stepanakert’ (Khankendi – ed.), the largest modern medical center, specifically for military medicine, was built with funds from Tashir,” Arshakyan says.

It should be recalled that Samvel Karapetyan was also mentioned in materials related to the illegal supply of weapons and military equipment to Armenia and the then-occupied territories of Azerbaijan. Minval Politika wrote about this on numerous occasions during the war.

In 2021, Azerbaijan’s Prosecutor General’s Office reported that it was investigating the illegal transportation of weapons and military equipment into Armenia and from there to Azerbaijan’s Karabakh region and surrounding districts, which were under Armenian occupation at the time.

According to the investigation, Samvel Karapetyan, head of the Tashir Group of Companies, David Galustyan, owner of Royalsys Engineering, Ara Abramyan, CEO of KOMEX, and others organized the smuggling of weapons, ammunition, explosives, and military equipment by air between 2001 and 2021. The Prosecutor General’s Office stated that the deliveries were carried out using, among other means, passenger aircraft, an Armenian Air Force Il-76TD cargo plane, and an Ilyushin-76TD cargo aircraft purchased by Ara Abramyan.

On April 28, 2021, Azerbaijan’s Prosecutor General’s Office opened a criminal case under the relevant articles of the Criminal Code. Samvel Karapetyan, David Galustyan, and Ara Abramyan were charged under Articles 100.1, 218.1, 228.3, 279.1, and 206.4 of the Criminal Code of Azerbaijan.

A preventive measure in the form of arrest was imposed on them, and they were placed on an international wanted list.

He then gives an even more specific example:

“I’ll say more: when the second president was in jail, the bail, which amounted to $2 million, was provided by Samvel Karapetyan. Samvel Sarkisovich provided it.”

The conversation also touches on a possible scenario of influencing the elections. The interlocutor asks whether Karapetyan has “something for the last minute” that could affect the course of the campaign. Arshakyan answers in the affirmative:

“Yes. Well, first of all, there are several possible scenarios.”

He then mentions the so-called “Moldovan path”:

“There is even an option to follow the Moldovan path if Pashinyan goes that way.”

When asked what that means, Arshakyan explains:

“The Moldovan path is this: there were elections in Moldova recently, and Russia wanted to influence those elections because it had a lot at stake there. The party they were backing was simply not allowed to participate in the elections. Even in that case, we have our own steps.”

Another important part of the conversation concerns the Armenian Church. According to Arshakyan’s remarks, Karapetyan is also placing his hopes on this institution.

“Karapetyan said he would support the Church, right?” the interlocutor asks.

“Absolutely. That’s where he started, saying that they should leave the Church alone. He supports it and says it should remain separate,” Arshakyan replies.

Asked what Karapetyan promises the Church if he comes to power, he says:

“Complete autonomy from the state.”

Arshakyan then effectively acknowledges that the Church is currently opposing Pashinyan and is indirectly working to strengthen Karapetyan.

“The goal of the Church right now is for Samvel Karapetyan to be elected, not Pashinyan. For the authorities to leave the Church alone, so that the Church itself can decide what reforms it needs,” he says.

When the interlocutor clarifies whether the Church is influencing people to vote for Karapetyan, Arshakyan responds more cautiously:

“Well, I’ll put it this way: against Pashinyan. Against.”

This footage definitively expose Samvel Karapetyan. Behind the mask of an “independent businessman” lies a classic representative of the old system: informal agreements with Robert Kocharyan, direct ties to the Karabakh clan, support from the Kremlin, reliance on the Church, and readiness to use dirty scenarios of electoral pressure.

The presented materials tear the mask off the entire Armenian opposition. All forces opposing Pashinyan are working toward one rotten goal — to return the revanchist Karabakh clan to power. They maintain close covert agreements among themselves, while posing as “independent” only in order to deceive as many voters as possible and expand their electorate.

This is not political competition. This is a criminal conspiracy under different labels.