A material published the day before sheds light on a large-scale and systematic information campaign against Azerbaijan. It is no longer about isolated statements or political gestures, but rather a structured influence infrastructure involving Western platforms, diaspora networks, and, as it now appears, financial resources from Russia.
Axar.az reports, citing Minval Politika, a key figure in this story is former International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo. In published video materials, he effectively confirms his involvement in a campaign against Baku. Moreover, he directly speaks about having a team and connections within European institutions, mentioning the circle of former EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell and referring to Borrell himself.
However, the most revealing part is not the European dimension, but the financial base of this activity.
However, the most striking part is not the European dimension, but the financial backbone of this activity. New video footage obtained by Minval Politika suggests that the campaign is being funded by a “group of Russian-Armenian representatives” who are setting up a special fund. The goal is to ensure stable, long-term financing for the information pressure campaign.
Ocampo directly acknowledges that, at the initial stage, he received funding from Armenian sources, after which more structured channels were brought in. In particular, he refers to “wealthy representatives of the Armenian diaspora,” some of whom live in Russia and are involved in international business. A key point is the emphasis on anonymity. According to him, the participants in the scheme “do not want problems with Russia” and therefore prefer to operate through closed channels.
We present the following video recordings along with their transcript:
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Domenec.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Domenec?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Yes. I… I never really managed to remember surnames, sorry.”
Unknown interlocutor: “But is that someone you hired?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Devesa.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Devesa.”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Devesa.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Devesa. But you…”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “I received some money from Armenians.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Yes.”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “So, Armenians at the beginning, I…”
Unknown interlocutor: “In the US?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “No, money from an Armenian in Russia.”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “They don’t want any problems with Russia, or for him to have problems with Russia. For them, the key issue is anonymity.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Okay. But are we talking about Russians outside Russia? Or Russians inside Russia?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “They travel abroad; they have interests everywhere, not necessarily inside Russia. Some do, not all. But I would say this is done confidentially.”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Maybe at the beginning I did it pro bono. The first report was done for free. Then I received support from an American fund to take the case to the International Criminal Court (ICC). After that, I also ran a social media campaign almost for free. And now there is a group of Russian Armenians setting up a fund to finance a more sustainable campaign.”
Unknown interlocutor: “So how long will your project last?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “I have no idea. Right now we have… in the Armenian issue there is a group funding this. And we have commitments until May, but what I am doing…”
Unknown interlocutor: “Also a minority in Armenia?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “No, a group that is financing it…”
Unknown interlocutor: “Yes, some wealthy Armenians…”
Unknown interlocutor: “But what are they doing?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “Because they are Armenians. Because they are Armenians.”
Unknown interlocutor: “Are they part of the government or an NGO? Are they regular individuals like me, or who are they?”
Luis Moreno Ocampo: “No, no, no. You know what? They live in Russia.”
Within this logic, the circle of potential beneficiaries also becomes clearer. One of the most likely sources of funding is businessman Samvel Karapetyan, who has previously been mentioned in connection with support for illegal activities in the formerly occupied territories of Azerbaijan. According to available information, he was involved in financing resettlement efforts and infrastructure projects in what was then occupied Karabakh, as part of a broader strategy aimed at consolidating the consequences of occupation.
In addition, Ruben Vardanyan was also undoubtedly involved. Despite being detained in Baku, he has a foundation whose activities are also directed against Baku and which is currently managed by his family.
The new materials suggest that these practices have not disappeared but have instead evolved. Where earlier the focus was on physical presence and creating “facts on the ground,” the emphasis has now shifted to informational and political pressure. What is emerging is a broader ecosystem in which money, media, political connections, and international institutions operate in coordination.
Particular attention should be given to Ocampo’s own remarks about timing and commitments. He directly states that his team has secured funding “at least until May,” which suggests a planned and structured nature of the campaign.
It is also worth noting that May marks the final phase of the election campaign in Armenia ahead of parliamentary elections. Against this backdrop, what is unfolding appears not merely as an external information campaign, but as a direct attempt to interfere in the country’s electoral process and internal affairs. This is further reinforced by previously released footage in which Ocampo’s son, Thomas, effectively acknowledged that one of the aims of the campaign is the removal of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.
Taken together, these elements point to a deeply embedded system aimed not only at Azerbaijan, but also at regional stability more broadly. The involvement of Western institutions, financial flows from Russia, and diaspora structures indicates the multi-layered nature of this campaign.
The materials published by Minval Politika effectively expose a mechanism that has remained hidden for years. Today, it is becoming increasingly clear that this is not about the “values” of individual politicians, but rather about a purely pragmatic, paid operation in which corrupt money continues to play a decisive role.
This story also clearly illustrates a broader moral decline: a once-prominent prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has effectively turned into a lobbying tool, serving hybrid operations involving both European structures and Armenian oligarchs based in Russia, such as Karapetyan and Vardanyan.
